以“动手”“携手”“自责”三个典型述宾式复合词为研究对象，系统考察其内部论元结构与外部句法功能（特别是作定语和状语的能力）之间的制约关系。研究发现，述宾式复合词能否自由地作状语，取决于其内部论元结构的“饱和类型”。根据饱和机制的不同，可区分为三种类型：未饱和型（“动手”型），内部存在未被填充的施事论元空位，句法功能受限于填充空位，字面义下不能自由作状语；复合论元饱和型（“携手”型），内部名语素“手”在语义结构中分化为两个不同指称的角色，须与外部领有者名词复合构成完整论元，句法功能活跃，可无标记地作方式状语，且修饰集合名词时可实现内部成员语义角色的分化；反身代词饱和型（“自责”型），内部“自”同时充当施事与受事论元，施受同指，句法功能相对受限，作状语须加“地”标记，可受“很”修饰。该三分模型揭示了述宾式复合词内部论元饱和机制与外部句法功能之间的系统性制约关系，为汉语复合词的类型学研究提供了新的理论视角。

Taking three typical VO compounds—dongshou (to use one's hand/to start), xieshou (hand in hand/to cooperate), and zize (to blame oneself)—as objects of investigation, this paper systematically examines the constraint relationship between their internal argument structures and external syntactic functions, with particular focus on their ability to function as attributives and adverbials. The study finds that whether a VO compound can freely function as an adverbial depends on the “saturation type” of its internal argument structure. Based on different saturation mechanisms, three types can be distinguished: the unsaturated type (exemplified by dongshou), in which there exists an unfilled agent argument position internally, resulting in syntactic functions being constrained by the need to fill the empty position, thus unable to freely function as an adverbial in its literal sense; the compound-argument saturation type (exemplified by xieshou), in which the internal nominal morpheme shou (hand) differentiates into two distinct referential roles within the semantic structure and must combine with external possessor nouns to form complete arguments, resulting in highly active syntactic functions, the ability to function as a manner adverbial without the marker de (地), and the capacity to trigger internal differentiation of semantic roles when modifying a collective noun; and the reflexive-pronoun saturation type (exemplified by zize), in which the internal reflexive pronoun zi (自) simultaneously serves as both the agent and the patient argument (co-reference of agent and patient), resulting in relatively constrained syntactic functions, requiring the marker de when functioning as an adverbial, and allowing modification by the degree adverb hen (很). This three-type model reveals the systematic constraint relationship between the internal argument saturation mechanisms and the external syntactic functions of VO compounds, offering a new theoretical perspective for the typological study of Chinese compound words.